China's Secret War With The World

中国 黑客攻击事件过去数年多次曝光

《纽约时报》去年曾报道中国总理温家宝家人聚敛庞大财富

中国外交部发言人洪磊周四（３１日）否认政府幕后指使黑客攻击美国《纽约时报》。

洪磊批评《纽约时报》的有关指称是“完全没有根据的”，“不负责任的行为”。


不过中国官方媒体上并没有报道洪磊的反驳，甚至连外交部的网站上也没有提及洪磊 的有关讲话的内容。(?????)

美国《纽约时报》周四表示，自报道了中国总理温家宝家人拥有巨额财产后，遭中国黑客攻击电脑系统。
该报指出：“过去四个月，中国黑客一直持续渗入《纽约时报》的电脑系统，以及获取记者及其他员工的密 码。”
《纽约时报》称，报社聘请的电脑安全专家收集了一些数据证据，证明黑客使用的手法“与中国军方有关联”，目标是撰写有关报道的记者。
对于外界指责中国政府涉嫌种种黑客攻击事件，中国官方一直表态否认，并称自身也是黑客攻击的受害者。
中国国务院新闻办公室2010年6月8日发布《中国互联网状况》白皮书，称中国反对任何形式的网络黑客攻击行为。
白皮书说，中国同世界其他国家一样，面临黑客攻击、网络病毒等违法犯罪活动的严重威胁。
中国是世界上黑客攻击的主要受害国之一。白皮书还强调，中国法律禁止任何形式的网络黑客行为。
中国外交部发言人也在多个场合否认中国政府与所指称的黑客攻击事件有关联。
在中国官方媒体对《纽约时报》遭黑客攻击的指称避而不报的同时，然而在互联网上，中国网民已经了解了这一消息的前后以及中国官方的否 认。
有网民在微博上表示：某国黑客黑入纽约时报，第一次感觉到境内势力渗透到国外去了。

过去几年来，曾经曝光过多次涉嫌中国黑客的攻击事件。

    2012年9月共同社报道，日本最高法院运营的全国法院主页遭到黑客攻击，网页上显示钓鱼岛插有中国国旗的图片。此外，黑客还用英语、中文和日文写上“钓 鱼岛是中国的”等文字。
    2012年11月彭博网报道，2009年可口可乐争取收购汇源果汁时中国黑客曾渗透到可口可乐公司的机密系统中。黑客将一封附带病毒链接的电子邮件发给了 可口可乐公司的一名高管。黑客因此得以不经察觉盗取商业机密信息长达一个月。美国证券交易委员会说，可口可乐当时并没有公开这一 黑客攻击行动。

    位于美国的一个知名中文网站“博讯网”2012年4月称因报道有关薄熙来的一系列内幕消息而遭到黑客攻击。博讯网站经理韦石对美联社表示，他相信这一轮攻 击受命于中国的国家安全机构，不过这一指称并没有得以证实。

    2012年8月，电脑安全公司迈克菲（McAfee）此前表示，包括联合国和国际奥委会在内的全球70多个机构在过去五年成为黑客攻击的目标。迈克菲甚至 认为，这些网络攻击“可能来自某国政府”。中国共产党党报《人民日报》刊登文章反驳说有关方面暗示北京当局在幕后指使黑客对许多 政府和组织展开网络攻击，是不负责任的作法。

    2010年，包括搜索引擎巨头公司谷歌在内的美国公司指责遭到中国黑客攻击，并称黑客有军方背景。


《华尔街日报》“同遭中国黑客攻击”

《华尔街日报》称中国黑客持续攻击其电脑系统。
继《纽约时报》后，美国《华尔街日报》也表示遭来自中国的黑客入侵其电脑系统。
《华尔街日报》的出版商道琼斯公司星期四（1月31日）发表声明说，黑客试图追踪该报对中国的报道，且“一直在进行”。
当天早些时候，《纽约时报》在过去四个月“持续”入侵其系统，时间正好是该报记者准备披露中国总理温家宝家族巨额财产的报道之际。
中国近年曾被多个国家和企业指责策动网络间谍活动，以搜集情报和控制中国对外形象。
中国外交部星期四驳斥《纽约时报》称，中国黑客入侵该报系统的说法“毫无根据”，而且“不负责任”。
发言人洪磊强调，中国也是黑客活动的受害者，中国法律清楚禁止了黑客行为。
系统攻击
道琼斯公司的声明说，虽然中国黑客入侵《华尔街日报》的系统，但没有证据显示黑客试图盗取商业情报或“不当取用客户信息”。
一名女发言人在声明中说，他们正与政府有关部门和电脑保安专家合作，采取行动保护客户、雇员、记者和消息来源，其中包括更新电脑系 统。
《纽约时报》方面提到，在对其驻上海记者站站长张大卫（David Barboza）的电脑攻击中，黑客使用了“与中国军方有关”的技术。
为《纽约时报》追踪黑客来源的网络安全公司Mandiant花了四个月时间跟踪并分析黑客的攻击常态，以制定围堵策略。
Mandiant发现，黑客在《纽约时报》系统上安装恶意软件取得控制权，继而盗取全部员工的登入密码，并入侵了《纽约时报》办公室 以外的53台个人电脑。
《时报》说，专家们发现攻击者都是从同一家大学的同一批电脑策动攻击，而这些电脑“过去曾被中国军方用于攻击美国军方承包商”。

Hitler came to power 80 years ago

The events of 30th January 1933 are a warning of the dangers of conservative governments engaging with parties to their right

A Nazi outside the Jewish shop Tietz in Berlin in April 1933, holding a sign reading 'Germans! Defend Yourselves! Don't Buy From Jews!' Photograph: Keystone/Getty Images

On the 30th of January 1933, I was a 14-year-old schoolboy living in Berlin's Schöneberg district. It was late afternoon and already dark outside; my classmates and I were sitting in our classroom, waiting to be called into the assembly hall for a theatre rehearsal. Suddenly, we heard the growing sound of a marching band moving towards the street outside the school. From our windows, we could see men in brown uniforms, marching in step to the music. At the front and the back of the march were police cars with search lights, carefully scanning the walls of the buildings opposite our school buildings for political opponents of the marchers. That afternoon was 80 years ago, but I remember it as if it was yesterday.
My brother, already a student at university, was politically active and leftishly inclined, so I had a vague idea of what all this meant. Earlier that day, the president of the German Reich, Paul von Hindenburg, had sworn in Adolf Hitler as chancellor and assigned him the task of assembling a rightwing coalition government consisting of the Nazis and the conservative DNVP. The conservatives had supported the Nazi party – who were lacking the majority to form their own own government – because they thought that Germany needed to form a bulwark against the Marxist threat from the east, and because they believed that they could keep Hitler and his cohorts under control. As we now all know, they were wrong.
But even though I knew that the events of that day were momentous, I couldn't have foreseen how dramatically they would change my own life and that of my family. Even though my grandparents had already ceased being practising Jews, we were classified as non-Aryans. My aunt, a teacher, was soon pensioned off from the civil service and had to move to a Jewish school; my father lost his job as a commercial representative in the bicycle business soon after.
After the introduction of the Nuremberg racial laws in 1935, I had to stop myself from smiling at "Aryan" girls in the street – not easy for a 16-year-old. My brother had a non-Jewish girlfriend to whom he was secretly engaged, and was therefore constantly at risk of being arrested by the Gestapo. One evening he went to see her and did not come home to sleep. As we shared a bedroom, I was unable to go to sleep until he returned in the early morning for fear that he had been arrested. That night has stayed in my memory as the longest night I have ever experienced.
My parents still believed that they could sit out their days in Germany if they laid low – the Reichskristallnacht of 1938 put an end to their hopes. If we had stayed, we would have ended up in a concentration camp. We stayed awake two full nights in fear of being rounded up. Eventually, we managed to escape Germany – my brother to the US, my parents to Portugal, my sister and I to England, where I was first interned as a "friendly enemy alien" but after the outbreak of war volunteered for the army. Initially being only allowed to join the Pioneer Corps, I eventually became one of the intelligence unit's "secret listeners" listening in on the conversations between German prisoners of war.
On the 80th anniversary of Hitler coming to power, can we still draw lessons from that episode in history? Or has it been over-analysed to the point of exhaustion? My relationship with Germany these days is relatively unemotional – I have felt 100% British since I stepped on the boat at Hamburg. The Nazis cut my emotional ties with my country of birth. Berlin doesn't feel like my hometown, just a place where I happened to grow up.
But I no longer believe that totalitarian tendencies are a uniquely German problem, as people did at the time: genocides have happened since, and all over the world. The events of 30th January 1933 to me still serve as a warning of how quickly a conservative government can lose control of the situation when it starts to engage with political party further to their right – and there's a lesson in that for British politicians too. Eighty years are a long time, but the events of that day are still relevant now: if we forget what happened, it may happen again.

The Gang War In Middle East - Arab's Version of 18仔, 24友

The Gaza And Syria Conflicts Highlight A Complex Web Of Alliances In The Middle East

The 20-month civil war in Syria and the eight-day Israeli offensive in Gaza highlights the often contradictory web of alliances that fuels conflicts in the Middle East.

Iran, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and Russia are propping up the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. China has also voiced its position that no one should interfere, and acted in concert with Russia to veto any U.N. sanctions on Assad.

U.S.-made weapons from Qatar and Saudi Arabia (as well as Israeli weapons) reach the Free Syrian Army FSA rebels primarily through a secret Turkish weapons center, while Hamas in Gaza and Egypt have thrown their ideological support behind the rebels.

The Gaza conflict, on the other hand, found Iran, Turkey, Qatar and Egypt supporting Hamas while the U.S. and the EU stood firmly behind Israel's right to defend itself against incoming rockets. The Emir of Qatar gifted Hamas $400 million during his first ever visit to Gaza, and both Turkey and Egypt issued statements harshly "condemning" the "naked aggression" of U.S. ally Israel.

China supports the Palestinian push for full state membership to the United Nations.

Qatar, Turkey and Egypt have all generally been in the U.S. corner for the last few decades and are integral to American foreign policy in a stable Middle East. In recent contrast, their comments on Israel's "aggression" indicate a steady emboldening of their leaders. One might trace a line back to 2003 when Turkey denied American requests to invade Iraq from their southern borders.

Diplomatically, the situation is far from black and white, while militarily the situation is still pretty much one sided as Israel, with the full support of the U.S., stands unmatched.

Fareed Zakaria, writing for The Washington Post, cites the 2010 study “The Arab-Israeli Military Balance” to argue that Israel has surpassed the Arab countries in the region in "every dimension of warfare."

Zakaria notes that the most powerful Arab military, Syria, is fighting to survive and Egypt wouldn't risk war with Israel because Israel is only country in the region with a sophisticated nuclear arsenal and advanced ballistic missiles.

That's what makes the Syrian conflict so critical. If Assad falls, the Shiite Crescent—which includes Shiites from Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria—will be broken and the regional influence of Iran (as well as Russia) would be diminished.

As one Iranian Revolutionary Guards member told the Wall Street Journal in August, "Iran's borders extend beyond geographic frontiers, and fighting for Syria is an integral part of keeping the Shiite Crescent intact."

The best case for Hamas is that their Sunni brothers overthrow Assad, despite the fact that the group is commonly considered a Iranian surrogate. Turkey, Qatar and Egypt don't want to see Israel get any stronger—that's why they have supported Hamas—but are also actively supporting the Syrian rebels.

So if the Shiite crescent falls, the nations that backed Hamas will have to live with an emboldened Israel in addition to a weakened Iran and Russia—which is exactly what the U.S. and Israel would like to see.

What Happens When Wall Streeters Panhandle On The Subway

From one of my sifus, a heart-wrenching video featuring  Wall Street people down on their luck and forced to pan handle 乞 讨 in the NYC Subway.

People beg because they have needs. At 1:15 we find out what a desperate banker (my sifu)  needs from his fellow MTA patrons.

He enters the subway car saying:

Alright dick heads listen up! My taxes are through the roof, I didn't get my bonus this year, I can't even pay off my Ferrari. Somebody's paying the piper. It's payback time I pay taxes for you.

Watch below :

Sign Of Collapse of China's Local Government Finance - 中国一些地方政府向钢企提前征税

中国一些资金紧张的地方政府开始要求钢铁企业预缴未 来至多两年的税收，

这一不同寻常的举措突显出它们资金吃紧的程度。
钢铁企业传统上一直是中国地方政府的“摇钱树”。中国钢厂的产量占全球钢材总产量近一半。
但中国钢铁工业协会(China Iron and Steel Association)的数据显示，由于中国经济增长放缓，中国大型钢厂去年的利润同比下降了98%。
亏损钢厂的亏损额增长了逾7倍。

然而，中钢协秘书长张长富表示，这一切没有阻止中国北部和东北部的一些地方政府强迫某些钢企预缴至多两年的税收。这些地方政府也感受到了经济增长 下滑带来的影响。
一些不合作企业成了审计和调查的对象，而且往往被处以巨额罚款。
中钢协高级会计师兼副秘书长屈秀丽表示，一些难以完成税收目标的城市向钢厂额外征税、以获得更多资金。
屈秀丽说，如果一家钢厂在2012年没有实现应税利润，地方政府可能会要求它提前缴纳2013年的税收。
如果该市仍未完成财政收入目标，它也可能还会要求钢厂提前缴纳2014年的税款。

中国地方政府有多种方式从企业攫取额外财政收入，要求钢厂预缴税款是其中之一。
分析师去年表示，部分城市没有兑现优惠税率的承诺。
中国媒体也报道称，有官员威胁，要对不愿超标缴税的企业处以罚款。
去年中国财政收入增长率降至12.8%，比过去5年21.9%的平均增速低近一半。
张长富昨日表示：“不合理收费项目，加重了企业负担。”
中国人民大学(People’s University)的中国财政体系专家陶然表示：“政府说，我们需要降低企业的税收负担，但它没有真正做到。
“地方政府在过去累积了大量的债务，现在它们要偿还债务，因此必须提前征税。这种做 法当然是不可持续的。”

张长富预测，2013年钢铁行业前景黯淡。他表示：“预计2013年（钢材）需求将有一定增长，但今年的困难和挑战也不容低估。“下游行业需求不 足。”

中国最牛逼的是

中国最牛逼的是：以全球22％的人口，养活了全球50％的公务员

段子：二会上有人睡觉。书记问市长：“谁带头睡？”答：“你小舅子，税务局长。” 书记：“打呼噜的？”答：“地震局长。”书记：“梦里说胡话的呢？”答：“统计局长。”书记：“睡觉还大叫弄死你的呢？”答：“公安局 长。”书记：“梦话中喊给老板整几个小妹的呢？”市长：“书记，那是您的秘书啊！”

谷歌高层指中国黑客世界之最

施密特在新书中认为技术革命或在中国引发某种形式的革命

英国《每日电讯报》周六（2月2日）引述互联网巨头谷歌（Google）公司常务董事长埃里克· 施密特在即将出版的新书中，形容中国是攻击外国公司最“先进和多产”的黑 客。
施密特的新书《新数字时代》 （The New Digital Age）与前美国政府顾问杰瑞德·科恩（Jared Cohen）合写，将于今年4月由兰登书屋出版。
《每日电讯报》文章引述《华尔街日报》报道，谷歌常务董事长埃里克·施密特（Eric Schmidt）在新书中说，美中两国公司之间的差距以及中国公司的战术将使美国政府和企业处于明显的劣势。
施密特分析，这是由于美国法律更加严格、施行得也更好，所以将不会走中国那种数字企业间谍道路，并 且，不正当竞争违背美国的公平竞争意识。
施密特认为，由于经济和政治利益，中国当局支持网络犯罪，使其成为世界上最大的网络威胁。
报道说，尽管如此，施密特的新书承认美国在这一领域也不完美—书中特别突出，美国在2010年广为传播的网震病毒 （Stuxnet）事件中扮演的角色。
这种病毒由美国和以色列当局创制，旨在攻击伊朗的核设施。
施密特和科恩几乎建议西方政府模仿中国的做法，这样面对中国的活动时才 不会失利。
报道引述施密特表示：“华为公司在哪里获得市场份额，中国的影响力也在哪里增加”。
尽管如此，施密特和科恩认为，技术的传播可能动摇专制政府。
“拥有高技术产品的活跃公民与政府的严格控制结合起来的情形非常容易波动，可能带来广泛的动荡，这将在未来数十年引发某种形式的革 命”，该书认为。