
Thursday, May 14, 2026
魯比歐被兩度制裁禁入中國、如今現身北京 習近平尷尬握手
習近平與魯比歐握手。(圖擷取自美聯社YT直播)
魯比歐被兩度制裁禁入中國、如今現身北京 習近平尷尬握手
美國國務卿魯比歐(Marco Rubio)過去因大力批評中國人權,遭到北京兩度制裁,但魯比歐12日仍搭上空軍一號、隨美國總統川普於13日訪問中國。中國國家主席習近平今(14日)在人民大會堂外與川普握手致意,隨後也和一眾美國政府高層握手,其中便包含魯比歐,象徵中國的制裁對魯比歐來說毫無效力。
由於魯比歐先前被中國制裁、被禁止入境,外界就好奇魯比歐是否能「順利訪中」,而其實在去年1月,中國就悄悄替他更改翻譯名稱,把原先的翻譯「盧比奧」改成「魯比奧」,當時就有外交官認為,北京此舉是在為「制裁盧比奧」解套。
隨著魯比歐13日與川普一行抵達北京,今早親自與習近平握手,等於上演「制裁者與被制裁者同台」的戲碼,兩人握手僅僅數秒就簡單結束。而正當習近平依序與財政部長貝森特、國防部長赫格塞斯握手致意時,魯比歐正好與川普對視,並對川普「眨眼」,提醒川普「我跟習握手了」,可說是嘲諷意味十足,而魯比歐能站在人民大會堂前與習近平握手,也讓中國對「盧比奧」的制裁更顯蒼白無力。
魯比歐今日親自與習近平握手,等於上演「制裁者與被制裁者同台」的戲碼。(圖擷取自美聯社YT直播)
Understanding the US Federal Budget
Understanding the US Federal Budget
The federal budget is more than just a set of numbers. It expresses the policy priorities of our nation — and is a critical part of our fiscal and economic future.
he federal budget reflects our elected leaders’ decisions on how to tax and spend, to borrow and lend, and to consume and invest. Those decisions define the size of the federal government and its role in the national economy.
Federal Spending
In 2025, total federal spending was $7.0 trillion — nearly 25 percent of the size of our economy and $20,500 for each person living in the United States. That spending can be divided into three categories.
1) Mandatory Spending
Programs governed by provisions of permanent law are referred to as “mandatory.” Because mandatory programs do not require annual approval, such spending is essentially on “autopilot” unless policymakers change the underlying laws governing the program.
Many of the programs that provide benefits to individuals are classified as mandatory spending, including Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. Those programs are also often referred to as "entitlements" because individuals who meet the programs’ eligibility requirements are "entitled" to benefits.
Mandatory spending covers programs in six major areas:
- Major Health Programs has four components: Medicare (for seniors and disabled people); Medicaid (generally for lower-income beneficiaries); premium tax credits and related spending (for low- and moderate-income people); and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP, for low-income children and parents).
- Social Security provides payments to retired and disabled workers, as well as to their spouses, dependent children, and survivors.
- Income Security Programs make payments to individuals based on their income through programs including: earned income, child, and other tax credits (the portion of such credits for the working poor that exceed their income are recorded as outlays in the budget); the the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly known as food stamps); Supplemental Security Income (payments to disabled children and adults with limited incomes); unemployment compensation (time-limited payments for people who become unemployed); family support and foster care; and child nutrition.
- Veterans’ Programs that provide pensions, income support, and other benefits for those who previously served in the military
- Federal Retirement Programs for federal civilian and military retirees.
- Other Programs consist of a range of activities, including agricultural support, student loan subsidies, and deposit insurance.
The laws governing mandatory programs do not provide specific funding levels. Instead, they specify who is eligible for benefits as well as the type and level of benefits to be distributed. For example, the unemployment insurance program has eligibility criteria regarding employment status, availability to work, and past income that, once met, allow an individual to receive a certain level of benefits. Total federal spending on the program depends on the number of people who file for unemployment, not on a fixed amount of funding set by lawmakers.
The term "mandatory" doesn’t mean that lawmakers are powerless to alter this spending. At any time, elected officials can adjust the eligibility criteria and benefit formulas that determine spending on mandatory programs, as they did with Social Security in 1983. However, if Congress and the President take no action, the current formulas and criteria for benefits generally remain in place year after year, and the spending flows as specified by law, without interruption.
Over time, federal spending for mandatory programs has increased more quickly than most other programs — primarily because of the growth in Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. In the early 1970s, around 40 percent of the federal budget was spent on mandatory programs, while the rest funded an array of appropriated funding and net interest. CBO estimates that around 60 percent of federal spending currently goes to mandatory programs.
2) Discretionary Spending
Discretionary spending is determined on an annual basis by Congress and the President through the appropriations process. As opposed to the "automatic" nature of mandatory spending, discretionary spending must be approved each fiscal year.
Defense spending represents nearly half of total discretionary spending. Other major activities funded through appropriations include homeland security, education, transportation, research, food safety, science and space programs, disaster assistance, environmental protection, public housing, and federal law enforcement.
In the 1960s, about two-thirds percent of total federal spending went to fund discretionary programs. In 2025, discretionary spending was just 27 percent of the budget. Over the next decade, it is projected to decrease to a historically low level relative to the size of the national economy.
3) Net Interest
The third major category of spending is interest on the national debt. Interest rates have been higher for the past couple of years due to the rise in inflation and actions by the Federal Reserve. Driven by those rates and the accumulation of federal debt, interest costs have become the fastest-growing “program” in the federal budget — exceeding the rate of growth of both Social Security and Medicare.
Currently, the United States spends more than $2.8 billion every day on interest payments. This year, interest as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) will exceed its post-World War II high of 3.2 percent. Over the next 10 years, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates that interest costs will total $16.2 trillion, and looking further ahead, CBO projects that net interest costs will grow from 14 percent of the budget in 2025 to 25 percent in 2056.
Federal Revenues
In 2025, total federal receipts were $5.2 trillion, or 17 percent of GDP. The largest sources of federal revenues are individual income and payroll taxes, followed by corporate income taxes, customs duties, and excise taxes.
Individual Income Taxes
The federal government collects taxes on the wages and salaries earned by individuals, income from investments (for example, interest, dividends, and capital gains), and other income. Individual income taxes are the largest single source of federal revenues, constituting around one-half of all receipts. As a percentage of GDP, individual income taxes have ranged from 6 to 10 percent over the past 50 years, averaging around 8 percent of GDP. Tax liabilities vary considerably by income. In 2019 (the most recent year for which data are not affected by temporary distortions resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic), the top quintile of earners paid 84 percent of all individual income taxes, while people in the two lowest income quintiles had negative income tax liabilities (that is, on average, they received more in refundable tax credits than they owed in income taxes). However, all earners pay payroll taxes, as described further below.
Payroll Taxes
Both employers and employees contribute payroll taxes, also known as social insurance taxes. Payroll taxes are the second-largest component of federal revenues and account for approximately one-third of total tax receipts, or approximately 6 percent of GDP. Payroll taxes help fund Social Security, Medicare, and unemployment insurance. For Social Security, employers and employees each contribute 6.2 percent of every paycheck, up to a maximum amount ($184,500 in 2026). For Medicare, employers and employees each contribute an additional 1.45 percent, with no salary limit. The Affordable Care Act added another 0.9 percent in payroll taxes on earnings over $200,000 for individuals or $250,000 for couples. Employers also pay the federal unemployment tax, which finances state-run unemployment insurance programs.
Corporate Income Taxes
The federal government collects taxes on the profits of corporations. Since 2018, most corporate income is taxed at 21 percent at the federal level (before adjustments). When combined with state and local corporate taxes, the average statutory tax rate was about 26 percent in 2023, although most corporations pay less than the statutory rate because of exemptions, deductions, and other adjustments to income. Corporate tax revenues typically amount to about 10 percent of all tax revenues.
Excise Taxes
Taxes on certain goods such as tobacco, alcohol, and motor fuels also contribute to federal revenues. Those excise taxes are imposed at the point of sale and add to the prices that consumers pay for such goods.
Customs Duties
The government collects revenues from duties and tariffs on imports. Customs duties have historically made up a small share of federal revenues until the recent imposition of new and significant tariffs on imports.
Other Revenues
Federal revenues that come from other sources — such as estate and gift taxes and the deposit of earnings from the Federal Reserve System, among others.
Who Pays Taxes
To evaluate whether the tax system is fair or not, it is important to look comprehensively at all of the taxes that people pay, not just one particular form of taxation.
For example, while it is true that many lower earners pay little or no individual federal income tax, there are many other kinds of taxes that apply to such individuals. In fact, taxpayers whose incomes are in the bottom 90 percent of all incomes pay, on average, more in payroll taxes than in income taxes. At the other end of the spectrum, high-income Americans receive a significant amount of their income from capital gains and dividends, which are taxed at lower rates than wages and salaries. However, high-income taxpayers also face higher tax rates on their other income and indirectly bear a greater share of the corporate income tax, which significantly raises their overall effective tax rates. In the aggregate, our federal tax system is structured to be generally progressive, with high-income taxpayers paying a larger share of their income in taxes.
Tax Expenditures
The income tax code contains many provisions that allow individual and corporate taxpayers to effectively reduce their tax bills. Such special provisions — deductions, exemptions, deferrals, exclusions, credits, and preferential rates — are known as “tax expenditures.” In 2025, tax expenditures totaled $2.2 trillion. That amount equals 71 percent of the revenues that the federal government actually collected in income taxes and exceeds what was spent by any single agency or spending program, including Social Security and the Department of Defense.
Just ten tax expenditures amounted to $1.5 trillion in 2025 — about two thirds of the cost of all tax expenditures.
Tax expenditures are often referred to as "spending in disguise," because lawmakers use the tax code to direct subsidies to specific constituencies and activities. Policymakers also use tax expenditures to influence consumer and business behavior. The mortgage interest deduction, for example, encourages taxpayers to buy homes instead of renting. Similarly, excluding contributions to pension or retirement accounts from taxation encourages saving. Because tax expenditures subsidize "favored" activities, they can distort economic decisions in ways that reduce the productivity of our economy.
Tax expenditures generally receive less scrutiny than spending programs. Most do not need annual review and approval, and therefore often remain in place for many years. With few opportunities for review and consideration, they are harder to control and less transparent than line-item spending programs. Many tax expenditures are also more valuable for people at higher marginal tax rates, so the benefits of tax expenditures often skew toward those with higher incomes.
The Budget Process
Policymakers use the federal budget process to establish spending priorities and to determine who will pay for those activities. The formulation of the budget is an annual process that involves the Congress, the White House, and federal agencies.
Within the process, lawmakers do not approve one single budget — the federal budget comprises many separate documents and pieces of legislation.
The President’s Budget
One of the important budget process documents is the President’s annual budget proposal, which lays out the Administration’s budget priorities in detail. The Congress has never voted to accept the President’s budget in its entirety, but it acts as a starting point for discussion. The President is required to submit a budget to Congress by the first Monday in February every year, but in practice the submission often occurs after that date.
Budget Resolution
Congress has its own budget process: The House and Senate are each supposed to prepare a budget resolution that serves as a broad framework for the many separate pieces of legislation that will determine spending, revenues, deficits, and debt. The two sides of Congress are then supposed to reconcile their separate plans to agree on a concurrent resolution by April 15 of each year. While required by federal law, budget resolution is not necessary for the annual budget process to occur. Accordingly, sharp disagreements about fiscal policy have either prevented Congress from agreeing on an overall budget plan or delayed the passage of the resolution in many recent years.
Appropriations
The Appropriations Committee in each chamber writes the legislation that actually provides government agencies and programs with funding to commit to discretionary programs. All appropriation bills must be passed by the end of each fiscal year (October 1). If Congress fails to meet that deadline, it must pass a “continuing resolution” to enable funding to continue, as discussed below.
Reconciliation
The budget resolution can also include "reconciliation" provisions that instruct the various authorizing and tax committees to draft legislation that adjusts — or reconciles — revenue and spending levels to meet those established in the budget resolution. Reconciliation can be a powerful vehicle for passing legislation because the amount of time allowed for debate of a reconciliation bill is limited once it reaches the floor of the House and Senate. It is a particularly important provision in the Senate, because it allows lawmakers to avoid a filibuster, which otherwise could indefinitely prevent passage of legislation until 60 members vote to end it.
Continuing Resolution
When appropriation bills are not enacted by the start of the fiscal year, Congress often uses a continuing resolution (CR), as a temporary measure to fund government activities for a limited amount of time. CRs are “stopgaps,” often employed to avoid a partial government shutdown. CRs should be rarely used, but they have become the norm over the past few decades.
Budget Process Reforms
The current budget process faces a number of challenges and is ill-suited for managing the nation’s long-term fiscal outlook. There are a range of potential reforms that could improve the budget process and fiscal outcomes.
While budget process reform alone cannot substitute for political agreement about fiscal policies and priorities, there are many reforms that could help encourage responsible budgeting and improve accountability. Areas of reforms include:
- Adding a long-term focus. The current budget process is focused on a 10-year “window” that Congress uses to measure the projected effect of lawmakers’ actions going forward. This window could be extended for a longer period, to better focus on key long-term drivers of our growing debt.
- Setting targets. Requiring Congress and the president to set medium- and long-term fiscal goals, then reporting annually on the progress they have made toward those objectives.
- Strengthening enforcement. Adding new or strengthening existing enforcement measures that would help policymakers stay on the path towards their budget targets. These reforms should be flexible enough to accommodate changing economic conditions and priorities, but, at the same time, be strong enough to establish and reinforce overall commitment to fiscal sustainability.
- Other reforms. There are a number of budget process reform options frequently discussed by policymakers, such as changing the congressional budget resolution into law or adopting a biennial budget process.
While the annual budget process could benefit from reform, there are fundamental problems caused by the lack of political will to make difficult choices. Without effective decision-making about fiscal tradeoffs, deficits are projected to rise to unsustainable levels in coming decades due to the aging of the population, rising healthcare costs, increasing interest costs, and insufficient revenues to meet existing commitments. Improving our fiscal condition over the long term will take political leadership from both parties.

鲁比奥穿马杜罗同款服装赴华 中国网民称“敌意满满”
(北京13日讯)被中国制裁的美国国务卿鲁比奥,随总统特朗普登上“空军一号”专机前往北京,在机上身穿委内瑞拉前总统马杜罗被美国抓捕时的同款运动套装引起热议。中国网民指他此举“敌意满满、挑衅、搞小花招”。
白宫通讯联络办公室主任张振熙(Steven Cheung)新加坡时间星期三(5月13日)早晨在社媒X发文:“国务卿鲁比奥在空军一号上穿着‘Nike Tech‘委内瑞拉款’!”贴文还配上“笑到哭”的表情符号。
随贴文一同发布的照片显示,鲁比奥一脸严肃的站在机舱内,穿着的服装疑似正是马杜罗被捕时所穿的同款耐克灰白运动套装。这则贴文发布不到半天,已获得逾百万次浏览,近两万人点赞。
福克斯新闻的报道称,鲁比奥在“空军一号”上抛弃了他惯常的西装,换上一套耐克运动服,这与美国高级官员在公务出访期间通常穿着的正式服装明显不同,显得十分休闲,出人意料的装扮在社交媒体上广为流传,引发网民热烈反响,很快让外界联想到和马杜罗被捕时所穿服装有关的政治迷因。
拥有逾百万粉丝的微博军事博主“沙姆雄狮_EL”转贴照片时称:“鲁比奥专门穿了一套马杜罗被美军绑架时的同款服装登上空军一号,敌意满满。”另一名百万粉丝的军事博主“洋务先驱张之洞”转发附和道:“当你发现美国官方喜欢搞这种没啥意义的小花招,这就说明其他有意义的大招他现在也不敢使出来。”
中国网民则评论称,鲁比奥“来就来了还挑衅”,这样穿未必不是在揶揄制裁,“其心可诛”。
亲北京港媒“大公文汇网”在微博发布鲁比奥的马杜罗同款服饰照时,配上了“呕吐”的表情符号。
此次是鲁比奥首次访问中国。他过去曾高度关注中国人权问题,中国则以两度对他实施制裁作为反制,这类做法过去通常更多见于美国对付对手时。
特朗普任命鲁比奥为国务卿后,中国也为双方外交接触找到折中处理方式。他在2025年1月就职前不久,中国政府和官方媒体开始将其中文译名中的“卢”改为“鲁”。
两名不具名的外交官说,他们认为,中方之所以更改译名,是因为此前针对鲁比奥旧中文译名实施的制裁措施中,包括禁止入境。
不过,在被问及鲁比奥更改中文译名后,是否意味着已解除制裁时,中国外交部发言人毛宁去年1月在例行记者会上称,她并未注意到此细节,并强调鲁比奥的英文名字更重要。毛宁同时重申,中国的制裁针对的是损害中国正当权益的言行。
鲁比奥是一名强烈反共的古巴裔美国人。他曾是美国国会相关法案的主要起草人,该法案以中国涉嫌强迫以穆斯林为主的维吾尔少数民族劳动为由,对中国实施广泛制裁。他也曾公开反对北京对香港的打压。
美国参院限制特朗普对伊朗“开战权”失败告终

美国参院限制特朗普对伊朗“开战权”失败告终
(华盛顿14日讯)美国联邦参议院今天以微弱差距否决了一项限制总统特朗普对伊朗战争权力的决议案。这是美伊战争60天国会授权期限届满后,国会首次就该冲突进行表决。
这项由俄勒冈州联邦参议员默克利(Jeff Merkley)提出的提案,是自冲突爆发10周以来,民主党人第7次试图约束特朗普战争权力,但皆以失败告终。本次表决结果为50票对49票。
民主党指出,根据《战争权力法》(War Powers Resolution),在特朗普3月初通知国会对伊朗采取军事行动后,政府必须在5月1日前取得国会授权。他们认为,特朗普政府显然已经违法;白宫则主张,美国与伊朗停火已让美伊战争的国会授权期限“停止计时”。
特朗普 Donald Trump
特朗普(美联社)
默克利向记者表示:“我认为有许多同僚对自己立场感到不安,但也不愿与特朗普对立。”
自越战后实施《战争权力法》50多年来,这场法律与政治僵局已成为美国国会在战争权力主导地位上的重大考验。
尽管大多数共和党议员仍持续支持特朗普,但有些议员认为,60天期限届满可能成为潜在转折。这场冲突已迈入第75天,军费开支不断增加,外界对美军战备能力的疑虑也日益加深。默克利在表决前坦言,白宫“停止计时”的说法,使整个法律问题变得更为复杂。
尽管提案遭到否决,但有愈来愈多共和党议员倒戈,仍为民主党人带来鼓舞。此次有3名共和党参议员投下赞成票,比4月表决时多了1人,使特朗普以50票对49票惊险守住胜利。
民主党联邦参议员凯恩(Tim Kaine)说:“下周还有一次投票机会,下下周也还会有。我们将持续向共和党议员施压,迫使他们面对这项问题。”
《战争权力法》向来执行不易,法院通常不愿介入国会与白宫之间关于军事行动的权力争议。即便相关决议最终在参院闯关成功,仍将在共和党掌控的众院面对严峻阻力,且可能遭特朗普否决。
沙地曾炸伊朗 海湾国暗战浮面
3月初,沙地阿拉伯石油港口拉斯坦努拉遭伊朗无人机袭击,造成设施起火、损毁。(美联社)
沙地曾炸伊朗 海湾国暗战浮面
(利雅得14日讯)伊朗战争爆发后,海湾多国遭受德黑兰报复袭击,部分国家似乎已开始秘密反击。
继《华尔街日报》11日报道阿联酋4月初曾空袭伊朗炼油厂后,外媒12日引述西方及伊朗官员报道,沙地阿拉伯3月也向伊朗发动多次秘密袭击以报复伊方轰炸,双方其后达成缓和局势协议,德黑兰才较为收敛。
倘阿联酋和沙地真对伊朗出手成为“参战方”,反映海湾国家开始反击,这场“暗战”逐渐浮面。
科威特外交部12日也指控伊朗革命卫队本月初试图经海路“渗透”至科威特布比延岛实施“敌对行动”,两军一度交火。伊朗外交部否认渗透说法。
两名西方官员透露,此前从未有报道披露的沙地袭击行动发生在3月下旬,由沙地空军执行,是对伊朗袭击的“以牙还牙式报复”。
外媒无法确认具体打击目标,沙地外交部未有直接回应是否已实施攻击。
阿联酋和沙地对伊策略不尽相同:阿联酋采取更强硬立场,试图让伊朗付出代价,鲜少与德黑兰公开外交接触;沙地则致力避免冲突升级,透过伊朗驻利雅得大使与伊方保持定期联系。
阿联酋采强硬立场 沙地避免升级
沙地外交部官员表示:“我们重申沙地一贯立场,主张降温、保持克制,以及减少紧张局势,谋求地区及其人民的稳定、安全与繁荣。”
伊朗和西方官员表示,沙地已将袭击行动告知伊朗,随后双方展开密集外交接触,沙地并威胁进一步报复,最终促使两国达成降温共识。
国际危机组织伊朗项目主任瓦埃兹(Ali Vaez)表示,这“反映双方均承认不受控的升级将带来不可接受的代价”,是“一种共同利益,即在冲突升级为更广泛地区战争之前,为双方对抗设限”。
沙伊非正式缓和协议在美伊于4月7日停火前一周生效。外媒统计显示,3月25日至31日,沙地遭受逾105次无人机和导弹袭击;4月1日至6日,攻击次数降至约25次。
科威特谴责“侵犯” 伊称导航故障
美伊停火逾一个月,但中东零星冲突持续。科威特外交部12日表示,伊朗革命卫队成员5月1日乘渔船前往布比延岛(Bubiyan Island)试图执行“敌对行动”,与科威特驻军交火,造成一名科威特士兵受伤。
伊方2人逃脱,2名海军上校、一名上尉及一名中校被捕,他们承认受革命卫队指示“渗透”布比延岛。
布比延岛位于波斯湾西北部,为科威特最大岛屿,与伊朗西南部胡齐斯坦省隔海相望。
科威特外交部谴责此举“公然侵犯”主权及违反国际法,要求伊朗立即无条件停止“非法敌对行为”。
伊朗外交部否认指控,称4名军官正执行例行巡逻,因导航故障误入科威特水域,并谴责科方“不当利用政治和宣传手段”处理事件,要求立即释放4人。
以色列指内塔尼亚胡“秘密访问” 阿联酋否认以方说法

以色列指内塔尼亚胡“秘密访问” 阿联酋否认以方说法
(迪拜、德黑兰14日讯)阿联酋周四表示,否认有关以色列总理内塔尼亚胡近期访问该国的报导。此前,内塔尼亚胡办公室称他与阿联酋总统举行了秘密会晤,指此次访问促成了以阿关系的“历史性突破”,但并未提及访问的具体时间,也未详细说明突破的具体内容。这是以色列首次公开承认内塔尼亚胡访问阿联酋。
美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)报导,阿联酋外交部在社交平台X上发表声明称:“阿联酋否认所有关于以色列总理内塔尼亚胡访问阿联酋或任何以色列军事随行人员出现在阿联酋领土上的报导。”
该部补充道:“阿联酋特此强调,其与以色列的关系清晰明确,是在《亚伯拉罕协议》确定的明确框架内建立的,这意味著双方关系并非通过秘密渠道进行。”
《亚伯拉罕协议》是美国总统特朗普上届任期内签署的协议,根据该协议,阿联酋和巴林与以色列实现了关系正常化。将《亚伯拉罕协议》的适用范围扩大到其他阿拉伯国家一直是特朗普政府的一项重要外交政策目标。
阿联酋外交部强调,除非透过阿联酋官方管道宣布,“任何关于未事先宣布的访问或安排的指控都毫无事实根据”。
形容访问促成两国关系“历史性突破”
内塔尼亚胡办公室周三表示,在美以与伊朗的战争期间,总理内塔尼亚胡“秘密访问”阿联酋,并会见了阿联酋总统穆罕默德。内塔尼亚胡办公室称,此次访问促成了两国关系的“历史性突破”。不过,办公室并未说明访问的具体时间,也未详细说明所谓的突破。
法新社报导指,此前一天,美国驻以色列大使哈克比宣布,以色列在战争期间向阿联酋派遣了“铁穹”防空系统及其操作人员。
CNN报导指,这项“历史性突破”可能指的是以色列在阿联酋部署了一套“铁穹”防御系统。本月早些时候,CNN报导i称,内塔尼亚胡秘密命令以色列军方向阿联酋派遣一套用于拦截短程导弹的“铁穹”防御系统,并派遣士兵操作该系统。
当时,几位以色列官员告诉 CNN,由于阿联酋在伊朗战争问题上的立场,阿联酋正在疏远其传统盟友,以色列看到了一个前所未有的机会,可以进一步加强两国之间的关系。
在阿联酋否认之前,内塔尼亚胡的前幕僚长阿格蒙在面子书(Facebook)上发帖称,他陪同总理进行了那次访问,并表示内塔尼亚胡“在阿布扎比受到了皇家礼遇”。
阿拉伯-伊朗关系不能“建立在对抗之上”
另外,以色列首次公开承认内塔尼亚胡访问阿联酋后不久,阿联酋总统的一位高级顾问谴责伊朗与其阿拉伯邻国之间存在“对抗和冲突”,并再次呼吁透过谈判寻求解决美以战争的“政治方案”。
加尔加什在X写道:“我们并未寻求这场战争,我们也曾真诚地努力避免战争的发生。海湾地区的阿拉伯-伊朗关系不能建立在对抗和冲突之上,因为该地区的人民有著根深蒂固的地理和历史联系。”
他还补充称,保卫阿联酋是“神圣的职责”,这个波斯湾国家将“捍卫其主权”。但他表示,阿联酋的首要任务仍是寻求政治解决方案。
“在全世界关注美国总统对中国进行的关键访问及其可能对地区产生的影响之际,阿联酋在此背景下继续重申,透过谈判途径寻求政治解决方案至关重要,阿联酋在所有对外沟通中都始终坚持这一原则。”
伊朗威胁追究“与以色列勾结”责任
访问消息公布后,伊朗威胁要追究那些“与以色列勾结”的人的责任。
伊朗外交部长阿拉格齐在社交平台X发文称:“内塔尼亚胡如今公开揭露了伊朗安全部门很久以前就向我们领导阶层传达的讯息:与伟大的伊朗人民为敌是一场愚蠢的赌博。与以色列勾结进行这种行为,更是不可饶恕。那些与以色列勾结制造分裂的人必将受到追究。”