Foreign Policy - U.S. Under Biden
President Joe Biden took office with an ambitious foreign policy agenda summed up by his favorite campaign tagline: “America is back.” Above all, that meant repairing the damage done to the United States' global standing by his predecessor.
President Joe Biden took office with an ambitious U.S. foreign policy agenda summed up by his favorite campaign tagline: “America is back.” Above all, that meant repairing the damage done to America’s global standing by his predecessor, former President Donald Trump. During his four years in office, Trump strained ties with America’s allies in Europe and Asia, raised tensions with adversaries like Iran and Venezuela, and engaged in a trade war with China that left bilateral relations in their worst state in decades.
In principle, Biden’s agenda is rooted in a repudiation of Trump’s “America First” legacy and the restoration of the multilateral order. That was reflected in his early moves to rejoin the Paris Climate Accords and the World Health Organization, and reestablish U.S. leadership on climate diplomacy. The COVID-19 pandemic also offered Biden an opportunity to reassert America’s global leadership role and begin repairing ties that began to fray under Trump.
But in practice, some of Biden’s priorities bear a close resemblance to Trump’s agenda. His “foreign policy for the middle class,” which ties U.S. diplomacy to peace, security and prosperity at home, has been described as a dressed-up version of Trump’s emphasis on putting U.S. interests above its global commitments. Biden also followed through on Trump’s deal to withdraw from Afghanistan without consulting or coordinating with Washington’s NATO allies—and paid a political cost for the collapse of the Afghan government and chaotic evacuation that ensued. And on other issues, like his approach to immigration and border policies, Biden has not demonstrated any urgency to make immediate changes. Similarly, he only belatedly lifted controversial tariffs on European steel and aluminum imports as well as the most draconian of Trump’s sanctions on Cuba.
Despite the rhetorical commitment to repudiating Trump, Biden may find it difficult to fully restore a pre-Trump status quo. Countries may no longer be willing to follow the U.S. lead on democracy promotion after the erosion of America’s democratic norms during the Trump era. And Europe, in particular, has recalibrated its relationship with the United States and may no longer be willing to align with America’s approach, particularly the hardening of relations with China. Nevertheless, as the war in Ukraine has highlighted, there is still high demand among allies, partners and other countries around the world for decisive U.S. leadership in times of crisis.
U.S.-China Competition Is Weaponizing the Green Transition
Even as regular climate diplomacy has resumed between the U.S. and China, officials and observers of both countries have become markedly more pessimistic about the feasibility of carving out a separate lane for climate progress amid rising tensions. That may imperil our chances of a timely energy transition.
Alliances and Partnerships
One of Biden’s first tasks was to begin rebuilding trans-Atlantic relations. While his early efforts to shore up the partnership suffered from an apparent divergence in geopolitical ambitions—particularly when it came to articulating a collective approach to China—Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has catalyzed consensus and cohesion within NATO not seen since the end of the Cold War. Meanwhile, repairing relations with America’s existing Asian allies, as well as deepening new partnerships such as the so-called Quad, have proven to be easier tasks for Biden.
Strategic Competition and Rivals
Biden’s recent moves to choke off China’s access to high-end technology as well as his rapid and robust punitive sanctions over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine leave no room for doubt that he is willing to take a tough stance with Beijing and Moscow. But his determination to compete aggressively with U.S. rivals as well as his commitment to democracy promotion are certain to bump up against the need for practical cooperation to address shared global challenges.
Why Biden’s approach to China and Russia represents continuity with Trump, in Biden’s Foreign Policy Looks an Awful Lot Like Trump’s
What’s driving the Biden administration’s tech war with China, in Biden’s Tech Restrictions on China Aren’t Just About Economics
Why things are looking up in U.S.-China relations for a change, in The Global Order Might Be Big Enough for the U.S. and China
How the U.S. can effectively counter China’s expanding security partnerships in Latin America, in Hysteria Won’t Help the U.S. Counter China’s Spy Base in Cuba
Bilateral and Regional Policy
Following the erratic and inconsistent foreign policy of the Trump administration, Biden was in a position to make some meaningful shifts in bilateral relations with a range of partners. But his administration continues to face some familiar limits. Though Biden has pledged to make human rights and democracy central planks of his foreign policy, in practice he has often continued to put U.S. interests first.
Trade and Aid Policy
With his “foreign policy for the middle class,” Biden has promised to focus on how to reorient U.S. engagement abroad to address middle-class economic concerns back home. When it comes to trade, that means making sure U.S. policy contributes to domestic economic renewal. But that’s increasingly becoming a recipe for protectionism.
Why the Biden administration must avoid past mistakes in its effort to enlist labor unions in the battle between democracy and autocracy, in Biden’s Overseas Labor Union Initiative Has Troubling Cold War Precedents
Diplomacy and Multilateralism
Biden has pledged to pursue a foreign policy rooted in a renewed commitment to values such as democracy, human rights, the rule of law and international cooperation. At the same time, he has recognized how intertwined U.S. foreign policy is with domestic growth. While he has disavowed Trump’s “America First” approach, Biden’s promise to rebuild at home may ultimately guide his multilateral engagements.
What’s really driving Biden’s Summit for Democracy, in Biden’s Summit for Democracy Isn’t Really About Democracies
How, despite recent setbacks, the U.S. can still head off the worst-case scenarios of nuclear proliferation, in The U.S. Shouldn’t Write Off Nuclear Nonproliferation and Arms Control
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